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Sebastian Turner
Sebastian Turner

Counter Strike Extreme V9



On this website you will find how to download counter strike extreme v8, install it on your PC and play online with your friends!Counter Strike extreme v8 is a abbreviated mod of original counter strike 1.6!If you love counter strike extream you should try and this version, is a simple version to don`t have any lag when you play it!The mode was modified with new weapons, new buy menu, new player skins!Informations about cs 1.6 extreme v8:Updates:CSGO BuyMenuHal@ ModelPackGoldenWeaponsSize: 300 mbWorks on:windows xpwindows 7Windows 8Windows 10updated on 2018Few pictures about the game! We will try to make soon a video tutorial how to download and install counter strike extream v8 on your computer!.




counter strike extreme v9



This is especially unfortunate because, since the 1980s, there has been an ever growing literature on the social history of the period; with work such as S.A.Smith's book on the factory committees or William Rosenberg and Jonathan Aves' writing on the strike waves of 1918 and 1921. Though many social historians have some sympathy with the Bolsheviks, much of their work has been overlooked by the left. Nevertheless an ex-member of the International Socialists, Sam Farber, has used some of this material to provide an interesting, if flawed, critique of the Bolsheviks in Before Stalinism; The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy. This book complements Carmen Sirianni's earlier work, Workers' Control and Socialist Democracy; The Soviet Experience, by analysing not only the economic but also the political dimensions of Bolshevik rule.


These differences over workers' control took place in the context of a deepening of the economic crisis that had provoked the revolution in the first place. Putilov workers appear to have gone on strike from as early as December and the new authorities soon turned to the idea of increasing discipline. They attempted to prohibit alcohol and an indication of Lenin's thinking, only nineweeks after October, can be found in a draft article in which he wrote:


There certainly were cases of localism, of committees selling factory stock or hoarding resources.But the PCCFC tried hard to counter these tendencies. It distributed materials and fuel and set up organisations for technical advice. There were similar councils in fifty other cities and a national congress had elected an All-Russian Centre as early as October. Furthermore the committees were not reluctant to impose work discipline and a number even used armed guards to enforce order.All their official instructions specified the retention of technical specialists and some managed to double or treble production levels to those of 1916 and beyond. Indeed it was primarily due to PCCFC efforts that Petrograd's industry did not totally collapse that winter.7


In January the trade union congress endorsed the ARCWC instructions and called for industrial reconstruction based on foreign investment and Taylorism. The leading Bolshevik Zinoviev explicitly rejected the right to strike and asked the congress to "proclaim the trade unions state organisations". The Bolshevik union leader Ryazanov also called on the factory committees to choose "suicide" and a week later the party leadership persuaded the last factory committee conference to dissolve the committees into the unions.9


The killing of at least one worker at a demonstration for bread then led to several factory meetings making similar demands and taking strike action. This in turn led to arrests that helped provoke a wave of demonstrations, meetings and eighteen strikes, mainly against repressive acts such as shootings and censorship. Most of those involved in this agitation were metalworkers who hadbeen major supporters of the Bolsheviks in October but had been severely affected by unemployment.20


The election results in the factories gave the Bolsheviks around 50% of the vote, which, combined with significant support in the Red Army, still gave them a democratic majority in Petrograd. Nevertheless they had needed to resort to lay-offs, lockouts and widespread arrests to contain that summer's protests, and Assemblies of Factory Representatives had continued to spread to other regions. The Assemblies made preparations for a national congress and called a general strike for2 July. Consequently the newly elected Petrograd soviet decided to ban the movement. Machine guns were placed at strategic points in both Petrograd and Moscow, and the Moscow Assembly, which had apparently attracted 4,000 workers, had its delegates arrested.


The outcome was that, although a few strikes and protests continued that summer, the response tot he Assemblies' general strike call was very limited and the movement soon collapsed. Yet repression was not the only factor in this collapse. Workers' indifference was also important and the Assemblies appear to have been unable to provide an alternative to Bolshevik policies. On the other hand, in contrast to the view that the civil war simply created problems for the Bolsheviks, it could be argued that the threat from the Whites consolidated support for the government and saved it from even more damaging workers' unrest.23


These were not the only problems the Bolsheviks faced that summer. Their representation in county soviets fell from 66 to 45%. They responded by disbanding several soviets, violently suppressing protest strikes and artificially inflating their party's representation at the Soviet Congress.


The root cause of this split with the Left SRs was their opposition to government policy towards the peasants. Their reluctance to hand over grain, especially when the Bolsheviks had so few goods to give in exchange, made some requisitioning inevitable. However requisitioning was often ineffective and counter-productive, turning the majority of the population against the new state. Possible alternatives could have included the greater use of a tax-in-kind, higher grain prices,limited free trade or local soviets doing any necessary requisitioning. Such policies would have been very difficult to implement but they would have needed no more effort than that required to impose state requisitioning and could have reduced the need for external coercion.25


Throughout the war some eight million lives were lost. Disease, malnutrition and constant insecurity, combined with widespread illiteracy, made democratic participation difficult in the extreme. All the same, many Bolshevik policies discouraged any participation that may have been practical.26


After their expulsion from the soviets the Menshevik leadership had difficulty preventing some provincial members from supporting anti-Bolshevik revolts. But by the autumn they had regained control of their party and the Bolsheviks reinstated Mensheviks in a number of soviets and legalised their paper. Nevertheless they soon closed this publication down again and the repeated arrests of leaders and outright bans in some towns made organised existence extremely difficult.This repression continued even when the Mensheviks recruited for the Red Army from the autumn of 1919.27


The Bolshevik leadership sometimes clearly encouraged brutality. For instance, as the Whites threatened Petrograd, Lenin asked Trotsky: "Is it impossible to mobilise another 2,000 Petrograd workers plus 10,000 members of the bourgeoisie, set up cannons behind them, shoot a few hundred of them and obtain a real mass impact on Yudenich?" Trotsky thankfully disregarded this but the Bolsheviks did use terror against whole groups of people such as the Cossacks or the Tambov peasants. The Tambov rebellion of 1920-21 was extremely brutal and the Red Army crushed the uprising with the burning of villages and mass executions. One government order demanded that peasants should be shot simply for "giving shelter to members of a 'bandit's' family".


To support the war against the Whites many workers worked day and night just for food but, when rations became intolerable, strikes often broke out. They occurred in all the major cities and compulsory labour and repression were important issues in a number of disputes. The stoppages in Petrograd in 1919 involved at least half the work force but Mary McAuley says they "posed no real threat to Bolshevik rule". This did not prevent the authorities from responding with what Lenin at one point called, "merciless arrests". There were also shootings and when a strike coincided with an army mutiny in the strategically important town of Astrakhan perhaps as many as 2,000 people were killed in street clashes.33


Having militarised the rail union, Trotsky then proposed that every union should become completely subordinated to the state. At first Lenin supported him, but around 80% of the Petrograd work force took strike action that year and the union leaders soon persuaded Lenin that Trotsky'sovert totalitarianism was inadvisable. So Lenin now opposed him using the argument that the unions needed a measure of autonomy so they could protect workers from their "workers' state with a bureaucratic twist". He then organised the defeat of Trotsky's faction at the 1921 party congress, a blow from which the Red Army leader never fully recovered.35


Zinoviev is reported to have said that 90% of the union rank-and-file opposed the government and severe food shortages provoked a huge wave of demonstrations and strikes throughout the country.These protests were mainly initiated by workers rather than opposition activists. Their demands included free elections, the reconvening of the Constituent Assembly and an end to commissar privilege. Despite his sympathies with the Bolsheviks, Lewis Siegelbaum writes that "it would appear that workers' hostility towards Communist authority was as intense as it had been four years earlier with respect to the Tsarist regime." 37


Trotskyists usually justify the Bolshevik's actions on the grounds that the heroic sailors of 1917had been replaced by newly recruited peasants, easily influenced by counter-revolutionary ideas.But Evan Mawdsley and Israel Getzler cite Soviet research which shows that three-quarters of allthe sailors in Kronstadt in 1921 had probably been there since World War One. It also clearly demonstrates that 90% of the sailors on the two main battleships were drafted before 1918.39


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